Forcasting (time series) Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 4000 words

Forcasting (time series) - Essay Example This makes the TPB particularly useful for designing interventions where the aim is to increase individuals intentions to engage in a behaviour that they are not intrinsically motivated to engage with (Hardeman et al., 2002). One area in which the TPB has received less attention, yet which has an impact upon health outcomes, is the behaviour of health care professionals. There may be differences between the cognitive processes associated with behaviour protecting ones own health compared to protecting the health of others (Walker, Grimshaw, & Armstrong, 2001). Health professionals adherence to guidelines has begun to receive attention. This is partly due to the increased standardisation of healthcare provision in England and Wales through evidence-based guidelines developed by the National Institute for Health and Clinical Excellence, and National Service Frameworks for specific services and conditions. Guidelines have the potential to improve standards by promoting interventions of proven benefit, and discouraging ineffective ones (Woolf, Grol, Hutchison, Eccles, & Grimshaw, 1999). However, research suggests that health professionals adherence can be variable and low (e.g. Tiemeier et al, 2002; Mannan & Jones, 2005; Sheldon et al, 2004), and affected by a multitude of factors (e.g. Foy et al., 2001). Given the importance of increasing adherence to strive to achieve the health outcomes predicted by guidelines, some researchers have tested the effectiveness of the TPB in accounting for proportions of variance in health professionals intentions to adhere. Studies have included predicting the adherence intentions of general practitioners to antibiotic prescribing guidelines for patients with a sore throat (Walker et al., 2001), and nurses intentions to offer smoking cessation advice (Puffer & Rashidian, 2004). These and other studies have found the TPB to account for significant proportions of variance in intention

Poverty Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Poverty - Research Paper Example The author uses various forms of language to define poverty, as well as convey the nature of poverty to the reader. She starts by defining poverty from a personal perspective and taking the reader through her suffering and the pain of her daily life. Her main aim is to make the readers experience poverty and view themselves in her dirt and poverty, doing so in order to make the reader grasp what world she is coming from. Through the use of imagery to expose the horrific and hideous world of poverty, she enhances her ability to make her audience question the stereotypes that they have of the poor. According to her, there are poor people in every country. Majority of individuals in the world are quick to stereotype Kuwaiti citizens as rich and multi-millionaires, whom all change their automotives on a yearly basis and live in villas (El-Katiri et al 14). While this is true and most Kuwaitis do live relatively well, there are, however, those Kuwaitis who are poor or underprivileged and live below the poverty line, relying heavily on monthly charity that they receive from charitable organizations. It is true that there are very few Kuwaitis who cannot manage a meal, whether foreign laborers or Kuwaiti nationals. However, while shelter, food, and healthcare are attainable with ease because of the welfare system run by the state, there are also charitable organizations based in and out of Kuwait that spend millions in order to make sure that the essential needs of Kuwaiti nationals are taken care of (El-Katiri et al 14). While this may not make sense given the relative wealth in Kuwait compared to other countries, it is also worth remembering that poverty is a major problem worldwide. In today’s world, poverty is an epidemic that has very few solutions (Parker 1). In fact, those who are poor in relatively wealthy countries are worse off compared to those in developing nations. This is because poverty is enabled by classification in these countries with class s tratification making it difficult to â€Å"spread the wealth†. These classifications may be based on individual behavior categories, cultural factors, political factors, economic factors, and social factors. These classifications contribute to poverty. Social class determines wages, which would be the variable that leads to poverty. Those families receiving lower wages are barely able to cater for living expenses (Parker 1). In this case, they do not have sufficient money to enroll for programs that will aid their children’s education. In Kuwait, as well as, other countries like Kuwait in the region, classification based on wealth and private property is not so important, especially compared to having the power, to access state institutions that are involved in distributing revenues from the oil (El-Katiri et al 15). Kuwait is a rich country where poverty is relatively low. However, there are still fundamental social divisions within the country. These divisions exist between tribal families that have settled for a while and those who settled in the country within the last thirty years. The latter group does not have strong and long established ties with the ruling class. In fact, most of them do not even possess Kuwaiti citizenship and are

HSBC and Foreign Market Strategies

HSBC and Foreign Market Strategies 1. Introduction With assets of US $1,502 billion, HSBC Holdings is one of the largest banking and financial services organisations in the world.1 It provides a comprehensive range of financial services including personal financial services, commercial and corporate banking, investment banking and markets, private banking, and other activities. HSBCs international network comprised over 9,500 offices in 76 countries and territories in Europe, the Asia-Pacific region, the America, the Middle East and Africa. 1. 2. Literature Review What determines foreign market entry strategies? To answer this question, most existing literature has focused on the characteristics of the entering firm, in particular its resources and capabilities (Barney, 1991; Anand and Delios, 2002) and its need to minimize transaction costs (Buckley and Casson, 1976; Anderson and Gatignon, 1986; Hill, Hwang, and Kim, 1990). While resources and capabilities are certainly important (Peng, 2001), recent work has suggested that strategies are moderated by the characteristics of the particular context in which firms operate (Hoskisson et al., 2000; In particular, institutions—the ‘rules of the game—in the host economy also significantly shape firm strategies such as foreign market entry (Peng, 2003; Wright et al., 2005). In a broad sense, macro-level institutions affect transaction costs (North, 1990). However, traditional transaction cost research (exemplified by Williamson, 1985) has focused on micro-analytical aspects such a s opportunism and bounded rationality. As a result, questions of how macro-level institutions, such as country-level legal and regulatory frameworks, influence transaction costs have been relatively unexplored, remaining largely as ‘background. However, a new movement in research posits that institutions are far more than ancillary elements, and that institutions directly influence what resources a firm has at its disposal as it strives to develop and launch strategy. Nowhere is this point more clearly borne out than in emerging economies, where institutional frameworks differ greatly from those in developed economies (Khanna, Palepu, and Sindha, 2005; Meyer and Peng, 2005; Wright et al., 2005; Gelbuda, Meyer, and Delios, 2008). Given these institutional differences, how do foreign firms adapt entry strategies when entering emerging economies? Focusing on this key question, it can be argued that (1) institutional development (or underdevelopment) in different emerging economie s directly affects entry strategies, and (2) investors needs for local resources impact entry strategies in different ways in different institutional contexts. In essence, we advocate an integrative perspective calling not only for explicit considerations of institutional effects, but also for their integration with resource-based considerations. An analysis of theory developed specifically out of changes to global markets shows little development of the standard theories of market segmentation, differentiated pricing and appropriate distribution channels which underpinned local and domestic marketing theory. However, the literature over the past five years has shown a particular set of theoretical models specific to global marketing. Hollensen, S (2007) discusses the Upsalla International Model which suggests a sequential pattern of entry into international markets with an increasing â€Å"commitment† to overseas markets as the international experience of the firm grows. He contrasts this with a traditional approach of what is termed as the Penrosian tradition which returns us to the economy of scale and a cost-led approach working from the firms core competencies. Dunning (1998) suggests a similar Ownership-Location-internalisation (OLI) framework identifying an â€Å"ownership advantage† of establishing overs eas production facilities, a locational advantage which builds a logistics network around the overseas production and, finally, an internalisation advantage where it must be economical for a firm to utilise the previous two advantages rather than sell them to a foreign firm. Similar to the development of the standardisation-localisation model emerging to deal with the specific choices related to international market entry the identification of risk mitigation factors salient to international marketing has developed rapidly. Baker, M (1993) recognises the risk mitigation inherent in internationalisation, protecting the firm from adverse fluctuations in the national economic cycle. Hollensen, S (2007) concurs, outlining the ownership, operating and transfer risk in being attached purely to domestic markets. All of the literature, in short, is strong on identifying the risks of domestic-based marketing, however there is scant coverage of the specific risks of internationalisation 2.1 Factors Affecting Market Entry Models Comprehensive models are easily identifiable in the literature and cover diverse entry modes, total product offer, and maturity models, Hollensen, S (2007). Earlier literature is more product-based than market-led, as with Majaro, S (1993) who presents three approaches to entering a product onto the international market: the development of new products, the deletion of weak products and the modification of new products. Hollensen, S more or less deals with market maturity as a key consideration of entry. Two distinct models suggested here are the waterfall approach where the product is disseminated from advanced through developing to less developed countries and the shower approach where all three are simultaneously targeted where early market penetration is a goal. Overall, the literature is consensual on the fact that shorter product lifecycles are the salient feature of internationalised markets. 2.2 Internal Factors With assets of US $1,502 billion, HSBC Holdings is one of the largest banking and financial services organisations in the world.1 HSBC provides a comprehensive range of financial services including personal financial services, commercial and corporate banking, investment banking and markets, private banking, and other activities. HSBCs international network comprised over 9,500 offices in 76 countries and territories in Europe, the Asia-Pacific region, the America, the Middle East and Africa. It was a pioneer of modern banking practices in a number of countries. A growth oriented company from its earliest days, in 2000, HSBC decided to launch concrete strategies to attain market leadership in all sectors it operated in. Though the company was amongst the leading players in areas such as consumer finance, personal financial services, commercial and corporate banking, it also wanted to establish its presence in areas such as investment banking, mortgage, insurance and credit card business. To strengthen its product portfolio and geographical reach, the company embarked on an aggressive acquisition strategy. The focus was on areas where HSBC was either weak or did not have a presence. Simultaneously, the company launched an aggressive branding exercise to complement its growth strategy. The geographical reach of the bank could be estimated by its presence in form of the subsidiaries and franchises. It has nearly 200,000 shareholders in some 100 countries and territories. The shares traded on the New York Stock Exchange in the form of American D epositary Receipts. HSBC was also listed on the London, Hong Kong, New York, Paris and Bermuda stock exchanges. In late 1998, the Group adopted the HSBC brand and the hexagon symbol as a unified brand in all the markets where it operated. The bank adopted the tagline ‘Your world of financial services in 1999. With the new tagline, HSBC hoped to acquaint customers with the extent and the range of its financial services. The tagline and the unification of the business under one name emphasised the global reach of the group. In early 2000s, HSBC vigorously worked towards developing its banking and financial services to gain market leadership. In 2002, the HSBC changed the tagline to ‘The worlds local bank, the tagline emphasised the groups experience and understanding of a great variety of markets and cultures. The group chairman said ‘We are committed to making HSBC one of the worlds leading brands for customer experience.1 as part of the ‘Managing For Value Strategy In 1998, HSBC launched the above strategy to set the conditions for future success in a fast-changing market. The company hoped to beat the total shareholder return delivered by competing financial institutions. To do so, it needed to enter areas that promised returns that were higher than the risk-adjusted cost of capital. It decided to offer wealth management services, personal asset management and insurance services to its customers. Its objective was to cross-sell a wide range of products around the globe, including mortgages, insurance, mutual funds, and credit cards. As a first step, the company decided to eliminate bad growth strategies i.e. those which had failed to cover the cost of capital. As a part of its value-based profitability drive, it adopted several measures which targeted higher-value creation at the bank. Managers and staff adopted behavioural practices such as targeting high-net-worth customers through several prestigious credit card schemes, strengthened the sales culture of staff by ways of incentives and promoting client cross-referral across the different business divisions, running more loyalty programmes for customers to capture a greater share of creditworthy customers. Like some other companies, HSBC has also developed international programs with their own incentive and compensation systems, performance metrics, and opportunities to groom managers for global positions (Exhibit 3, on the next page). Such programs, which often provide training focused on tolerance and cultural awareness, aim to produce managers who are well versed in a companys distinctive capabilities but flexible enough to deal successfully with novel situations. These managers learn to distinguish the nonnegotiable aspects of a business model from those that can be modified as necessary. Ranbaxy, whose current CEO is British, is one of the companies working to develop this kind of global cadre. Its country managers move to new locations as soon as they are ready to assume larger challenges. 2. 3. External Factors 3.1 Barriers to market entry 3.1.1 Regulation Firms in regulated industries face a significant strategic dilemma when expanding abroad. On the one hand, established theory and practice recommend following a gradual, staged model of international expansion so as to minimize risks and cope with uncertainty (Johanson and Vahlne, 1977; Chang, 1995; Rivoli and Salorio, 1996; Guill ´en, 2002; Vermeulen and Barkema, 2002), that is, to overcome the so-called liability of foreignness (Hymer, 1976; Zaheer, 1995). On the other, the regulated nature of these industries tends to require a strong commitment of resources anda fast pace of entry into foreign markets. This is the case for three interrelated reasons. First,these industries tend to be highly concentrated, and they often exhibit certain features of the ‘naturalmonopoly.1 Second, entry may be restricted by the government, frequently under a system oflicenses. And third, the government may own significant parts of the industry. Under these circumstances, foreign entrants face strong incentives to commit large amounts of resources and to establish operations quickly, whenever and wherever opportunities arise, and frequently via acquisition as opposed to greenfield investment (Sarkar et al., 1999). Thus, the regulated and oligopolistic nature of these industries generates strong first mover advantages (Doh, 2000; Knickerbocker, 1973). Recent research in strategy argues that firms in regulated industries follow ‘asymmetric strategies in that they seek to defend their home-country position by preventing rivals from competing on a level playing field while pursuing entry into foreign markets as deregulation occurs. Given that deregulation has taken place at different moments in time and to different degrees from country to country, firms in regulated industries tend to follow a multidomestic strategy of foreign expansion, namely, they pick and choose which markets to enter depending on the specific circumstances A natural monopoly emerges when it is possible to exploit economies of scale over a very large range of output. As a result, the optimally efficient scale of production becomes a very high  proportion of the total market demand for the product or service. present in each foreign country, arranging their operations with a local rather than a global logic in mind, and engaging in limited cross-border coordination (Bonardi, 2004). Another distinctive feature of regulated industries is the role of the state as a shareholder. Some of the most active firms in regulated industries expanding abroad are former monopolies in which the state has or has had a controlling stake (Doh, Teegen, and Mudambi, 2004). 3.1.2 Cultural Barriers By September 2000, the Hong Kong operations of HSBC were falling behind in implementing the MfV strategy. The strategy set the goal of the bank doubling shareholder value over a five years through growth in its core businesses in addition to a massive reduction in operating costs. One major cost-saving initiative was the migration of the banks Network Services Centre (NSC) in Hong Kong to its new global processing centre in Guangzhou, a Chinese city on the mainland. Implementing this initiative which involved moving staff and resources to the Guangzhou Data Centre (GZC) came up against major operational and public relations issues. (MB) Technically, there were no major obstacles to the bank following a global trend in financial services; seeking economies of scale by moving back-office operations to lower cost areas. The average salaries of staff in the GZC were only 20% of those in the NSC. From this angle, moving professional positions to GZC and to HSBCs other new Indian global processing centre seemed perfectly in line with MfV objectives. Most duties were highly routine involving few important decision-making duties. Nevertheless, The staff, who were initially offered a choice to move or risk losing their positions, felt betrayed by the bank, since there was an expectation among the workers that dutiful service should be recognised with job security. 4. Market Opportunities available to HSBC 4.1.1. Micro-Financing With significant operations in the emerging markets and expertise in transactional solutions, and supported by our office network, services, processes, capital, and customer relationships, HSBC are well placed to serve the micro finance sector. The banks approach to this sector is based on commercial viability with high social benefit, with the aim of creating self-sustaining, stable financial services to help people out of poverty. HSBC integrate micro-finance activities Global Business and Organizational Excellence DOI: 10.1002/joe January/February 2009 17 with local business capabilities rather than as a separate business line. Following pilot projects in 2005, HSBC has engaged more closely with micro-finance enablers and MFIs on the ground to understand the principal issues facing the sector, and the findings have informed and shaped our priorities. HSBC is currently working with MFIs in Argentina, India, Mexico, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, and Turkey through our operations in th ose countries. The bank is at the forefront in arranging foreign investments into the country and deals for Indian companies investing overseas, and it is custodian of more than 40 percent of the foreign institutional investments (FIIs) in India, with total assets under management in India that exceed $5 billion. Although HSBC in India has 47 branches and 178 ATMs in 26 cities, it lacks a branch network and accessibility in rural areas, where the majority of Indias empoverished population lives. The rural poor need a diverse range of financial services, including credit and safe and flexible savings services, to run their businesses, build assets, stabilize consumption, and shield themselves against poverty. However, access to quality financial services in rural India is still heavily inadequate. Eighty-one percent of villages in India do not have banks within a distance of 2 km (1.2 miles); 41 percent of the population does not have a bank account; and available credit in rural are as meets just 10 percent of the actual need. Microfinance established a foothold in India during the 1990s, but this decade has seen rapid growth, with a distinct shift away from a â€Å"welfare† model toward a â€Å"business model† for delivering these services.Since it is quite expensive for HSBC in India to provide services directly to the rural poor, it lends funds to microfinance intermediaries, the MFIs that further on-lend the funds to the ultimate clients. HSBC in India established a team for microfinance under its Commercial Banking division in December 2007 and plans to eventually create regional-level teams to facilitate initiatives in their respective parts of the country. 4.1.2 North America Market Entry HSBCs initial motivation for its acquiring retail banks in North America and the UK was to diversify away from its home in Asia. After it acquired Marine Midland Bank and Midland Bank, HSBCs motivation may have changed subtly. It is becoming increasingly difficult for banks that are large relative to their home markets to grow at home. In many developed countries banking has become quite concentrated (Marquez and Molyneux, 2002). In response, policymakers in these countries have started to bar the banks from further domestic mergers and acquisitions. Some recent failed attempts in Canada are a case in point (Tickell, 2000). The only remaining possibility for growth then is cross-border. Interestingly, each of the owners of the largest subsidiaries of foreign banks in the US is disproportionately often the largest bank in its own home country (Tschoegl, 2002 and 2004). Assessing the viability of this strategy is the classic question of how a foreign firm competes against local firms t hat do not face any liability of foreignness (Zaheer, 1995), that is, costs that come from operating in a  foreign environment or at a distance. One issue then is whether having operations in contiguous countries represents a competitive advantage. Tschoegl (1987) and Dufey and Yeung (1993) have argued that where markets are well developed and competitive, there is no reason to expect foreign banks in general to be better than local banks at retail banking. At the same time there is evidence for the existence of a liability of foreignness vis-à  -vis the foreign banks host-country competitors  (Parkhe and Miller, 2002). Of course, there is also evidence that suggests that the liability is minimal (Nachum, 2003) or wanes over time (Zaheer and Moskowitz, 1996). However, these last two studies examine the liability in the context of corporate and wholesale banking markets. The liability may be more salient in the retail markets, where national differences between the home and host market are likely to be more profound.Demirgà ¼Ãƒ §-Kunt and Huizinga (1999) and Claessens et al. (2001) found that foreign banks tend to have higher margins and profits than domestic banks in developing countries, but that the opposite holds in industrial countries. Similarly, Dopico and Wilcox (2002) found that foreign banks have a greater share in under-banked markets and a smaller presence in mature markets. The implication is that one should not expect much in the way of cross-border mergers in commercial banking within developed regions. We can speculate that on the production side, differences in products  across markets and privacy laws appear to be limiting parents ability to consolidate processing. As far as depositors are concerned, there seems to be little value to having an account with a bank that operates in other countries, especially now that travelers can draw cash from networked automated transaction machines (ATMs). HSBC does have a service for wealthy indivi duals-HSBC Premier-that provides for such crossborder advantages as transfer of an individuals credit rating when they relocate, and some other services. However, these facilities are not available to ordinary accounts. The literature on trade flows is instructive here; the evidence on NAFTA has shown that borders have a substantial damping effect on trade flows (McCallum, 1995). In North America HSBC is even poorly positioned to take advantage of the one form of cross-border retail banking that is currently drawing attention: remittance flows from Mexican workers in the US. Although HSBC now has a strong presence in Mexico, it has almost no offices in California or other US states with large populations of Mexican immigrants. By contrast, Bank of America, which is the largest bank in California and is present in many other US states, in 2002, bought a 25 percent stake in Santander-Serfin, Santanders subsidiary, which has amalgamated Mexicos oldest and third largest bank. If there is little reason to believe that HSBC benefits from cross-border demand or production effects, what is left as a source of advantage? One candidate is what Kindleberger (1969) has called â€Å"surplus managerial resources.† When a bank such as HSBC can no longer grow at home, it may find itself with a management team that is underemployed in terms of the demands on its time. The bank may then choose to grow abroad when it can combine these surplus resources with what Berger et al. (2000) call a global advantage. Berger et al. argue that some US banks succeed in the competition with local banks elsewhere in the world simply by being better managed. In their survey of the literature on productivity, Bartelsman and Doms (2000) draw several stylized lessons, among them that firms differ in their productivity and that this difference may persist for years. Obviously, not all US banks necessarily partake of the advantage of better management and by contrast some non-US banks may. HSBC may simply be one of these. As Nachum et al. (2001) point out, the competitiveness of firms depends on the kind of assets that firm s can transfer internally from country to country, but that are difficult to transfer from one firm to another, even within a country. Still, it is, unfortunately, extremely difficult to measure an intangible asset as subtle and hard to define as better management (Denrell, 2004), especially when, as recent events have shown, stock market performance or accounting measures are of doubtful reliability. HSBC began its growth in North America by acquiring failed and weak banks. In effect, shareholders lacking a comparative advantage relative to HSBC, with respect to owning and governing given banks or branches (Lichtenberg and Siegel, 1987), sold them to HSBC. Generally, growth by acquisition is difficult to execute and as a strategy it is vulnerable to problems of over-reach due to managerial hubris (Roll, 1986; Baradwaj et al., 1992; Seth et al., 2000). Peek et al. (1999) found that generally the US subsidiaries of foreign banks have not done well. The poor performance of foreign bank subsidiaries was a result of the foreign banks acquiring poorly performing US banks and being unable to improve their performance sufficiently within the period that the authors examined. (One cannot arrive at strong conclusions from studies of the profitability of subsidiaries. Banks transfer profits across borders (Demirgà ¼Ãƒ §-Kunt and Huizinga, 2001), and foreign banks may prefer to book some bu siness from their headquarters (Peek and Rosengren, 2000).) Still, HSBCs operations in the US and Canada are survivors of a winnowing process that saw other banks from Canada, Japan, the UK and the US sell their Canadian or US subsidiaries, in some cases to HSBC. As Mitchell and Shaver (2003) show with respect to firms in the US medical sector, firms differ in their ability to absorb and manage business on a continuing basis. They use the biological metaphor of predation and their evidence is consistent with the idea that some predators are better able to target desirable prey and better able to overpower the prey they target. HSBC appears to have found that it is one such successful predator. One may surmise that HSBC initially chose to acquire weak banks as much out of necessity as design. For any given size, a profitable bank will cost more than an unprofitable one, and to achieve its goal of diversifying, HSBC needed to acquire large banks. Now that HSBC is one of the worlds lar gest banks, whether one measures by market capitalization or total assets, it has more leeway. Conclusion Assuming that there is a positive relationship between marketing spend and market share, marketing activities, if well-targetted should have a incremental impact on market share. However, this does not always seem to hold true within the â€Å"big four† banks. Barclays and HSBC both developed their market share by 1% between 1995 and 2000, in spite of greatly varied levels of investment in marketing. Lloyds TSB market share fell by 2% although the bank spent significantly more than either Barclays or HSBC while NatWest and RBS have both declined by 4% despite having a collective expenditure of more than double Barclays. This perhaps, at least partly, explains why HSBC has adopted a highly acquisitive strategy, realising that, although the core brand is strong, customer recognition may have saturated, therefore integrating both fresh brands into subsidiaries in tandem with launching new, retail-focussed services, keeps the proposition fresh. Recommendations With the disproportionate focus on retail banking, HSBC has yet not come over as a major player in investment banking. However, with the wave of recent milestone deals during over the last three years, the bank is beginning to emerged as an investment banking brand. HSBC played a central role in two of Europes biggest-ever merger and acquisition deals i.e. Mittal Steels hostile bid for Frances Arcelor and German utility company E.Ons offering for Spanish rival Endesa. However, the development in the direction of investment banking requires some acceleration as the retail ban king sector continues to be heavily impacted by the sub-prime mortgage fallout and credit tightness. The bank has been planning to further enhance its business in the UK by investing  £400m in retail and commercial distribution network and setting up 500 new ATMs, 250 new Express terminals, however this is has not yet materialised and may be badly-timed if implemented within the year. HSBC has considered the Asian region as its major focus area and it can expect a bigger share from the Asia-Pacific region in the future. In early 2007, Asia-Pacific, the Americas (including South America) and Europe each contributed one third in HSBC groups overall bottom line. Bibliography Amel, D., Barnes, C., Panetta, F.,Salleo, C. (2004). â€Å"Consolidation and efficiency in the financial sector: A review of the international evidence,† Journal of Banking and Finance, Vol. 28, No. 10, pp. 2493-2519. Anand J, Delios A. 2002. Absolute and relative resources as determinants of international acquisitions. Strategic Management Journal 23(2): 119-134. Barney JB. 1991. Firm resources and sustained competitive advantage. Journal of Management 17: 99-120 Baradwaj, B.G., Dubofsky, D., Fraser, D.R. (1992). â€Å"Bidder Returns in Interstate and Intrastate Bank Acquisitions,† Journal of Financial Services Research, Vol. 5, No. 3, pp. 261-73 Berger, A., DeYoung, R., Genay, H.Udell, G. (2000). â€Å"Globalization of financial institutions: Evidence from cross-border banking performance,† Brookings-Wharton Papers on Financial Service, Vol. 3 Buckley PJ, Casson MC. 1976. The Future of the Multinational Enterprise. Macmillan: London, UK. Buckley PJ, Casson MC. 1998. Analyzing foreign market entry strategies: extending the internalization approach. Journal of International Business Studies 29: 539-562 Demirgà ¼Ãƒ §-Kunt, A.,Huizinga, H. (1999). â€Å"Determinants of Commercial Bank Interest Margins and Profitability: Some International Evidence,† World Bank Economic Review, Vol. 13, No. 2, pp. 379-408 Denrell, J. (2004). â€Å"Random Walks and Sustained Competitive Advantage,† Management Science, Vol. 50, No. 7, pp. 922-934 Dopico, L.G., Wilcox, J.A. (2002). â€Å"Openness, profit opportunities and foreign banking,† Journal of Financial Markets: Institutions and Money, Vol. 12, No. 4-5, pp. 299-320 Dufey, G.,Yeung, B. (1993). â€Å"The Impact of EC 92 on European Banking,† Journal of Financial Management, Vol. 2, No. 3-4, pp. 11-31 Gelbuda M, Meyer KE, Delios A. 2008. International business and institutional development in Central and Eastern Europe. Journal of International Management 14(1): 1-11 Greve, H.R. (2003). â€Å"Why are there so many multiunit organizations?† Strategic Organization, Vol. 1, No. 1, pp. 109-115 Hackethal, A. (2001). â€Å"Strategic Groups in European Commercial Banking,† German Economic Association of Business Administration DP01-19 Hensel, N.D. (2003). â€Å"Strategic Management of Cost Efficiencies in Networks: Cross-Country Evidence on European Branch Banking† European Financial Management, Vol. 9, No. 3, pp. 331-360. Hill CWL, Hwang P, Kim WC. 1990. An eclectic theory of international market entry mode. Strategic Management Journal 11(2): 117-128. Hoskisson RE, Eden L, Lau CM, Wright M. 2000. Strategy in emerging economies. Academy of Management Journal 43: 249-267 Ingram P, Silverman B. 2002. Introduction. In The New Institutionalism in Strategic Management (Advances in Strategic Management) (Vol. 19), Ingram P, Silverman BS (eds). JAI Press: Greenwich, CT; 1-30 Khanna T, Palepu K. 2000. The future of business groups in emerging markets: long run evidence from Chile. Academy of Management Journal 43: 268-285 Lichtenberg F.R.,Siegel, D. (1987). â€Å"Productivity and Changes in Ownership of Manufacturing Plants,† Brookings Papers on Economic Activity, Vol. 3, pp. 643-73 McCallum, J. (1995). â€Å"National Borders Matter: Canada-U.S. Regional Trade Patterns,† American Economic Review, Vol. 85, No. 3, pp. 615-623 Meyer KE. 2006. Asian management research needs more self-confidence. Asia Pacific Journal of Management 23: 119-137 Nachum, L. (2003). â€Å"Liability of Foreignness in Global Competition? Financial Service MNEs in the City of London,† Strategic Management Journal, Vol. 24, No. 12, pp. 1187-1208 North D. 1990. Institutions, Institutional Change, and Economic Performance. Norton: New York Peek, J., Rosengren, E.S., Kasirye, F. (1999). â€Å"The poor performance of foreign bank subsidiaries: Were the problems acquired or created?† Journal of Banking and Finance, Vol. 23, pp. 579-604 Roll, R. (1986). â€Å"The Hubris Hypothesis of Corporate Takeovers,† Journal of Business, Vol. 59, No. 2, pp. 197-216 Seth, A., Song, K.P., Pettit, R. (2000). â€Å"Synergy, Managerialism or Hubris? An Empirical Examination of Motives for Foreign Acquisitions of US Firms,† Journal of International Business Studies, Vol. 31, No. 3, pp. 387-405 Tschoegl, A.E. (2001). â€Å"Foreign banks in the United States since World War II: A useful fringe,† in Jones, G., Gà ¡lvez-Muà ±oz, L. (Editors), Managing Foreign Business in the US. London: Routledge, pp. 149-168 Tsui A. 2004. Contributing to global management knowledge: a case for high quality indigenous research. Asia Pacific Journal of Management 21(4):491-513 Williamson OE. 1985. The Economic Institutions of Capitalism. Free Press: New York Wright M, Filatotchev I, Hoskisson RE, Peng MW. 2005. Strategy research in emerging economies: challenging the conventional wisdom. Journal of Management Studies 26: 1-34 Zaheer, S. Mosakowski, E. (1996). â€Å"The Dynamics of the Liability of Foreignness: A Global Study of Survival in Financial Services,† Stra

Frankenstein :: essays research papers

â€Å"How can I describe my emotions at this catastrophe, or delineate the wretch whom with such infinite pains and care I had endeavoured to form?† (Shelley, 42) In Mary Shelley’s Frankenstein, Victor Frankenstein, who has spent two long years laboring in Ingolstadt to create this scientific marvel known only as â€Å"the monster,† wrongly assumes that his creation is pure evil. Frankenstein reaches this conclusion without even allowing the monster to demonstrate his kind heart. Eventually, the monster goes on a mass killing spree because of Victor’s detrimental psychological neglect. Victor’s neglect is caused by his hatred of anyone who is unlike himself. Victor also disregards the monster’s right to a true name, only referring to him using despicable names, such as â€Å"wretch,† â€Å"thing,† and â€Å"catastrophe.† Thus, the monster’s humane qualities, including compassion, loyalty, and intelligence contrast to the wretched traits of his creator, making the horrible references much more suitable for Victor. Unlike Victor, the monster shows great compassion despite his appalling appearance. For instance, he demonstrates his love for others during his time spent observing Felix and Agatha while in the village. He wishes â€Å"to return to the cottagers, whose story excited in [him] such various feelings of indignation, delight, and wonder, but which all terminated in additional love and reverence for [his] protectors†¦Ã¢â‚¬  (106) Even though the monster had never actually met the De Lacey family, his ability to feel compassion is proven through his love of them only for their wonderful hearts and kind actions. In doing this, he shows more love for a family of strangers than Victor could ever have for his own family. He also demonstrates unconditional love for these â€Å"protectors† by not killing Felix during their fight. On the contrary, Victor shows a lack of compassion for his creation after the monster requested a female companion. In response to the monster’s patient, rational inquiry, Victor exclaims, â€Å"Shall I create another like yourself, whose joint wickedness might desolate the world. Begone!† (130) In this senseless refusal of a sincere request, Victor proves once and for all that his true feelings for the monster are those of unjustified hatred and scorn. He has no basis for these feelings other than that of his undying prejudice against the monster. As a result of the opposing emotions illustrated by maker and creation, both are in constant conflict with each other and therefore can never live in harmony.

One Day on the River Essay

Elijah has grander and more dangerous dreams. Having been largely acculturated by a residential school upbringing before escaping into the forest to live with Xavier and Niska, he has acquired the dubious skills of public relations and boastfulness as much as the crafts of the hunter. His English, learned from the nuns, is impeccable, and he makes his mark among the men in the trenches as much by the flash of his storytelling as by his murderous midnight prowls in no man’s land. Gradually Elijah becomes imprisoned by two great obsessions: a need for morphine, whose use is rampant up and down the lines, and an insatiable hunger for killing. Some French soldiers suggest that if he really wants to gain respect for all his kills, he should scalp his victims as evidence. He decides to do so, much to Xavier’s disgust. In counterpoint to the exploits of Xavier and Elijah, Boyden interweaves the story of Niska, told as she paddles her wounded nephew back home after the war is over. Niska is part of the sad but admirable remnant of traditional natives who refused to enter the reserves in the 19th century, choosing instead to live by their wits and traditional teachings in the woods. Subject to what modern medicine would call epileptic seizures, Niska is deemed by her tribe to have inherited her father’s skills as a shaman and a windigo-killer. Since windigos manifest themselves in humans who have practiced cannibalism, getting rid of them involves what white society would call murder, and indeed Niska’s father was executed as a murderer by the white courts. The constant crossing of the moral lines between the worldviews of native and white society is one of the many strengths of this fascinating novel. At one point, hunkered down in his sniper’s nest, Xavier indulges himself (and the reader) in a contemplation on the number three, which he sees as an obsession of his white commanders. There’s the front line, the support line, and the reserve line, for starters. There’s the infantry, the cavalry, and the artillery. Off the battlefield, there’s food, then rest, then women. In church, there’s the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. Not to mention the superstition about lighting three cigarettes with one match, a prime metaphor for courting danger in the Great War. But then Xavier suddenly remembers Niska’s traditional teaching, that those who are dying must walk the three-day road to death, and he wonders â€Å"if we share something, some magic. Maybe it will help me get through all this.† The real war hero, Peggy, makes a brief cameo appearance in the novel, which may not have been a wise choice on the author’s part. The characters of Xavier and Niska and, to a slightly lesser extent, Elijah are full to the brim with life – they’re quite satisfying and believable as they are, and need no further stamp of authentication.

Code Switching

Urdu-English Code-Switching: The Use of Urdu Phrases and Clauses In Pakistani English (A Non-native Variety) Abstract This paper presents an analysis of Urdu-English code-switching in Pakistani English. However, data has been analysed only at the phrase and clause level. Based on the empirical data from Pakistani English newspapers and magazines, this paper aims to show that code-switching is not a grammarless phenomenon rather it is ruled governed activity at the phrase and clause level. It also presents the brief overview of the use of English as a non-native variety.This paper suggests that variations and changes in a language are an integral part of bilingualism and multilingualism. All the present data shows that the occurrences of various Urdu phrases and clauses impose no ungrammatical effect on the construction of English syntax. Key words: Bilingualism, code-switching, non-native varieties of English Introduction This paper centres on the variations in the English language d ue to Urdu-English code-switching in Pakistan and also shows the significant role of the Urdu language in the formation of Pakistani English.Only those syntactic features that are found as a result of code-switching have been discussed. Mahboob (2003) described different phonological and grammatical aspects of Pakistani English, which are quite different from Standard British English. But in this paper, only that data has been taken into account where Urdu phrases and clauses have been used. This paper is interested in describing different aspects of language change in English when used in a non-native context i. e. Pakistan.First and foremost, ‘a great deal of interest has been generated in the English language as a result of its spread around the world and its use as an international language (Cheshire 1991:7). Now-a-days English has become a global language. According to Bamgbose, (2001:357) English is recognised as the dominating language in the world as globalisation come s to be universally accepted in political and academic discourse. The development of ‘globalisation’ has been associated with the dominance of the English language (Bottery 2000:6).English is used all over the world by millions of native and non-native speakers because of its dominant position. According to Crystal (2003:65), there are approximately 430 million L2 users and 330 million L1 users. So the non-native speakers use English more than the natives ones. However, these figures exclude learners of English, and Crystal suggests there may be as many as one billion of them. Being an international language, it is used almost in all the countries of the world. When people started using English in non-native contexts because of its growing popularity, it developed as a transplanted language.According to Kachru (1986:30): ‘A language may be considered transplanted if it is used by a significant numbers of speakers in social, cultural and geographical contexts diffe rent from the contexts in which it was originally used†¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦.. a transplanted language is cut off from its traditional roots and begins to function in new surroundings, in new roles and new contexts’. Non-native Varieties of English Kachru (1978) was among the first to identify and delineate boundaries of a nativized variety of English in South Asia, which he terms as South Asian English (SAE).Kachru (1996) regarded SAE as an additional linguistic arm in the culture of identity. He believes that ‘nativization must be seen as the result of those productive linguistic innovations which are determined by the localized function of a second language variety, the culture of conversation and commutative strategies in new situations and transfer from local languages’ (Kachru 1986: 21-2). With this development, there was a gradual recognition and acknowledgement of the new and non-native varieties of English, e. g. Nigerian English, Indian English, Chicano English, Pakistani English, Singaporean English, Sri Lankan English etc.The term ‘New varieties’ of English’ implies that there are more or less recognizable varieties of spoken and/or written by groups of people’. (Platt et al. 1984:2) A new variety does not develop in isolation but it depends on the communicative needs of those who speak and write it. Such a variety is considered an interference variety because there is a clear linguistic and cultural interference from the first language and culture of the users. When a language is used in a different cultural context and social situation, several changes take place in its phonology, morphology, lexicon and syntax.A language so widely used has its own grammatical and linguistic system through which it conveys its distinction of meanings. These linguistic characteristics are usually transparent in its sound system, vocabulary and sentence construction. The non-native speakers develop a whole new range of expression to fulfil the communicative needs. Since the user of the non-native variety is bilingual, creativity is manifested in different kinds of mixing, switching, alteration and transcreation of codes. When two languages come in contact, it results in â€Å"inventiveness†. Bilingualism in itself is a source of creativity in language (Talaat 2003).Such varieties are so widespread and have such a long standing ‘that they may be thought stable and adequate enough to be regarded as varieties of English in their own right rather than stages on the way to a more native-like English’ (Quirk 1983:8) Urdu-English code-switching and Pakistani English English enjoys a very prestigious status in Pakistan. Its prevalence and power in Pakistan is growing very much. For many Pakistanis, English has become not only a â€Å"practical necessity†, but also â€Å"the language of opportunity, social prestige, power, success as well as social superiority†.Kachru (199 7:227) pointed at the ‘ideological, cultural and elitist power of English’. Such power is vividly seen in Pakistan where people tend to switch from Urdu to English to create special effect. Urdu is the national language of Pakistan and one of the two official languages of Pakistan (the other official language being English). It is the most important language of literacy in the country. In the hierarchy of linguistic prestige, Urdu is placed lower only than English. In Pakistan, Urdu-English code-switching is a common characteristic of educated Pakistani bilinguals. Code-switching ccurs when two languages come in contact: ‘the alternation of two languages within a single discourse, sentence or constituent’ (Poplack 1980:581). This sociolinguistic phenomenon makes a great contribution in the creation of new and non-native varieties of English. When two languages come into contact, not only the phonological features but lexical items and syntactic patterns als o manage to filter across from one language to another. English is used in Pakistan in a non-native context. Different changes can be observed in its phonology, vocabulary, and grammar and now it is recognized as a distinct variety of English i. . Pakistani English. Non-native varieties of English are an important aspect of language change and these varieties have emerged because of code-switching and code-mixing. According to Trudgill (1986: 1), ‘the languages that are in contact with each other socially may become changed linguistically, as a result of being in contact psychologically, in the competence of individual speaker’. Pakistani English has assumed a linguistic and cultural identity of its own. This identity manifests itself throughout the language at the word level, the phrase level and the sentence level.It is the natural consequence of its regular contact with the Urdu language. A large number of borrowings from Urdu and the regional languages of Pakistan h ave entered in Pakistani English (Baumgardner 1993). Certain lexical items may show a shift from their original Standard British English usage to Urduized meaning (Talaat 1993). In comparison with the borrowing in syntax and morphology, lexical items have the highest ease of borrowing and seem most likely to occur (Brutt-Griffler, 2002; Romaine, 1995).Such a vocabulary items in all the new varieties of English are largely drawn from the areas that are significantly different to the geo-social-cultural context of British English (Fernado 2003). As, no reliable study on Urdu-English code-switching at the level of the phrase and clause is available, this paper is likely to bridge the gap. The code-switching data in this paper focuses on the use of Urdu phrases and clauses in the English language and shows that its occurrence imposes no ungrammatical effect on the structure of English syntax.The data has been collected from the following printed Pakistani English newspaper and magazines : 1. Dawn (daily) (Lahore) 2. Herald (monthly) (Karachi) 3. Mag (weekly) (Karachi) In this paper, code-switching is divided into two categories. They are inter-sentential switching, that is switching from one language to another at a sentence boundary, and intra-sentential code-switching, or code-mixing when the switch takes place within one sentence. In the following section, we will analyse the intra-sentential code-switching in Pakistani English at the level of phrase.Phrasal insertions A phrase is a group of words, which does not carry a complete sense. Formally a phrase is defined as a syntactic structure that has syntactic properties derived from its head (Mahajan 2001). Basic phrase structure is a universal feature of all human languages. The Urdu language is not different from English as far as the structure of phrase is concerned. There are a fair number of Urdu multi-word switches in this section that are either two word or three word phrases occurring in the English claus e or sentence.The purpose is to introduce the position of various Urdu phrases inserted in English syntax. Some researchers suggest that switches that are larger than one word are â€Å"true code-switches† but one-word switches are borrowings. However, it is not within the goals of this paper to distinguish code-switches from borrowings. In this section, we will analyze the occurrence of various NPs, Adj Ps and PPs in the English sentences. Since phrase insertion is always a complex kind of switching, it demands a high degree of proficiency and accuracy from the bilinguals involved in code-switching.Noun phrase A noun phrase is a word or group of words, which acts as the subject, complement or object of a clause, or as the object of a preposition. A noun phrase always has an obligatory head noun and optional modifier and qualifier. (m) H (q) For example in the Urdu phrase ‘ mera bhai apaney dostoon key saath’, (my brother with his friends) mera is the modifier of the head noun ‘bhai’ while Urdu postpositional phrase ‘dostoon key saath’ is qualifying the head noun. The structure of Urdu noun phrases used in Pakistani English is very diverse.Here are some examples of the use of the Urdu noun phrases occurring as the subject of the English verbs: 1. A poor hari (the farmer) can be sent to the gallows even on the mild accusation of a crime leveled against him by a noble. (March 27, 2007 D) 2. An honorable sardar or wadera (the landlord or chief) can walk free even after proven record of the most heinous kinds of against crimes him. (March 27, 2007 D) 3. They alleged that the naib nazim (the vice municipal officer) was receiving threats to force him to part ways with the PPP-backed Awam Dost panel. (March 04, 2007 D)In the first two examples, the English adjectives are modifying the English nouns in a noun phrase while in the third example both the adjective and noun are from the Urdu language. All the noun phrases have the English determiners ‘a’, ‘an’ and ‘the’ respectively in the beginning of the sentences. Urdu noun phrase as an apposition of another noun It is very interesting to note the use of an Urdu noun phrase as apposition in Pakistani English. ‘Apposition’ means the placing of a noun group after a noun or pronoun in order to identify something or someone or give more information about them.In the following example, we can see the use of an Urdu noun phrase as an apposition of another noun. Here the Urdu noun phrase is giving information about the proper noun ‘Haji Ramzan’. 1. Five militants who tried to kidnap tehsil municipal officer Hameedullah on October 8 were forced to give up their hostage after Haji Ramzan, the tehsil naib nazim (the city vice municipal officer), and his men confronted them on the main Tank-Jandola road. (November 2006 H) Urdu phrase introduced by an English adverb: In the examples below, the Engli sh relative adverb â€Å"as† introduces the Urdu stretches of words embedded in English.This type of switching is very rare and demands high proficiency. 1. Amjad considered her as ustad se ziyada dost (friend rather than teacher). (January 22, 2006 D) 2. And an old friend of hers, a female writer, was so infuriated on being referred to as a ‘Cycle wali larki’ (female cyclist) that she broke relations with her for good. (March 25, 2007 D) 3. According to one of them, they were not shunned by the public as lula, langra and apahaj (lame and paralyzed). (December 04, 2005 D) 4. What was sworn upon yesterday as guiding principle will be chucked at the altar of expediency tomorrow as mere siyasi bayan (political statement). January 22, 2006 D) Genitive phrases In Urdu, genitives are indicated with ka/ke/ke as a morph-word. The choice of these words depends on gender, number and case ending of the head noun. However, the English word ‘of’ is equivalent to all these. The genitive or possessive form of Urdu noun takes different positions in English syntax and imposes no ungrammatical effect in the construction. In the following examples, the Urdu noun phrases are used as the complement of an English verb of incomplete predication and occurring at the end of the sentence.The Urdu noun phrase begins with the English determiner ‘an’ in the first example. 1. Atif Amin feels â€Å"it's true that to some extend visiting therapists is an ameeron ka nakhra. (arrogance of the rich) (July 31, 2005 D) 2. The colloquial phrase used for this punishment was kala ki saza. (severe punishment) (July 24, 2005 D) In some cases the Urdu noun phrase is used as the subject of the English syntax. In example 2 the Urdu noun phrase begins with English determiner ‘the’. 1. 1. â€Å"Logon ki samajh† (understanding of the people) is all he has to say about the society's attitude towards dance. January 12, 2006 D) 2. The Islamabad ka muqadas darakht (Holy tree of Islamabad) revolved around a popular Banyan tree that stood in sector E-7 but was a few months back burned down. (May 21, 2006 D) 3. Promptly can the reply from Fateh Muhammad Mailk, who argued that kufar ka fatwa (Infidelity claim) is nothing new with us. (May 21, 2006 D) Sometimes, the Urdu noun phrases are also inserted in the middle of the English syntax. In the following examples, we can see the use of the Urdu noun phrases as the complement of an English verb. 1.Publications have just become catalogues and designers have become shadi ka jora mills (Wedding cloth house), not aiming to produce ethereal pieces any more. (September 25, 2005 D) 2. Rohit also revived the age-old warak ka kaam (work of silver gold leaf) once used for mughal royalty. (January 22, 2005 D) 3. Naturally they bathed themselves properly after every hug as the grandma had a smell of sarson ka tel (mustard’oil) and desi soap all over here. (July 31, 2005 D) 4. I am th rilled to see a lovely jurao ka set (precious Ornament) that President Ayub Khan presented her when she visited Pakistan in the 1960s. March 25, 2007) In the example 3 the double genitive has been used with English mixed in a noun phrase. Adjective Phrase A word or a group of words that does the work of an adjective is called an adjective phrase. Adjective phrases are usually formed from an intensifier that is optional, followed by the head (H) that is often an adjective In Pakistani English, Urdu adjective phrases may occur as a predicate adjective or inside the noun phrase. In the examples below, an Urdu adjective phrase has been inserted in the English sentence. 1. He is called sher ka bacha (bashful, brave) and mard ka bacha (high minded). January 08, 06 D) In the above example, Urdu evaluative metaphors that reflect Pakistani social customs, localized attitude and behavior have been used in English syntax. In a typical Pakistani context, a person having great courage and with a keen sense of honor is termed as ‘sher ka bacha’ (lion’s child). In the following example the English intensifier ‘very’ has been used with an Urdu adjective. This kind of code-switching is very rare. 2. Their response, ‘ I think you are right madam,’ said a young man, city life and modern education makes men very beghairat (dishonorable) (November 2006 H)In the examples given below, the Urdu adjective phrases are modifying the English nouns in the noun phrases. 3. It was a taiz raftar (very speedy) bus and I merely sat on it as well. (February 26, 2005 D) 4. The 60-minutes interview was largely spent in advocate Bukhari name dropping, saying he grew up with the lordships of the Superior Court and what payare insaan (lovely men) they are. (March 18, 2007 D) Example 4 reflects a very complex kind of code-switching. The Urdu stretch of words has been introduced by the English word ‘what’, but actually it is giving the emphasi s on the Urdu adjective ‘payare’.The use of ‘what’ has changed the syntactic structure and it seems that it has been used to focus on ‘payare insaan’. The introduction of ‘what’ has changed the word order of the sentence. One important thing worthwhile to mention here is that it seems harder to break up a relative clause/phrase than other types of subordination. It is quite problematic to have a relative pronoun from one language and the rest of the clause in the other. The code-switching data reported from other language pairs also show that switching between the relative pronoun and the clause that it introduces is rare. Nortier 1990) Mostly, the English adjectives are necessarily uninflected. They undergo no morphological changes with the variations in the nouns they qualify. However, in Pakistani English, Urdu adjectives, sometimes, may be inflected according to the rules of Urdu grammar because of number and gender as in the a bove example. For example: Payara (lovely) is an inflected adjective e. g. Payara larka (lovely boy), Payari larki (lovely girl), Payare insaan (lovely people). Prepositional phrase Urdu has a postposition instead of English preposition, which differs in the way that it precedes objects.A collective term used for both preposition and postposition is adposition. In typical Urdu adposition phrases, adposition comes at the end. An Urdu postposition phrase is syntactically inserted in English syntax in the following example: 1. Both of them unhurt â€Å"Khuda key fazal sey† (By the grace of God) while Shazia became paraplegic. (January 08, 2006 D) It is very interesting to note that the Urdu postposition phrase occurs at the same position where its English equivalent could have been. Verbal phrase A verb phrase is a word or a group of words that does not have a subject and a predicate of its own and does the work of a verb.In Urdu language, auxiliaries occur after the main verb i n contrast with English where auxiliaries occur before the main verb. Urdu verb phrases occur very rarely in Pakistani English because they have to undergo a complex morphological change as compared to noun phrases. However, sometimes an Urdu verbal phrase is also inserted in English syntax. Here is an example of the use of an Urdu verb phrase: 1. My colleagues kept worrying that piracy ho rahi hay (is going on) we should stop it; I kept saying, â€Å"hooney do†. (let it be) (September 11, 2005 D) ho rahi hai ain verb Progressive form auxiliary The above-mentioned data and examples suggest that Urdu phrases are frequently used in Pakistani English and its occurrences at various positions in a sentence seem to be quite appropriate. Urdu phrases obey the rules of English grammar everywhere in the sentences. After analyzing intra-sentential code-switching at the level of phrase, now we want to turn to inter-sentential code-switching in Pakistani English. The next section begins with ‘inter-clausal code switching’. Inter-clausal code-switching:As mentioned earlier, code-switching occurring at the sentence level is called inter-sentential code-switching. The term â€Å"inter-clausal code-switching† is used to refer to switches occurring at the clause boundaries. In the present data, switched Urdu clauses can include a coordinated clause, a subordinate clause or a clause/phrase introduced by an English adverb. Urdu clauses that are coordinated with an English clause through the use of coordinating conjunction are classified as coordinated clauses. Urdu subordinate clauses are also used with main English clause.We can find the English subordinate clause with Urdu main clause as well. Mostly, an English subordinate clause gives a warning or advice about the consequences of an action or attitude. It is relatively common in Pakistani English that Urdu proverbs and maxims occur at the periphery of an English clause. There are also switched Urdu full clauses that are syntactically independent of the preceding English clause, although there is still thematic coherence in terms of their reference and actions. The data exemplified in the following sections will reveal how different types of Urdu clauses are used in Pakistani English.Co-ordinated Clauses: In Pakistani English, co-ordinated clauses are joined by English as well as Urdu conjunctions. However Urdu conjunctions do not occur quite frequently. A conjunction that often conjoins the English clauses to the Urdu adjacent clauses is â€Å"and†. Here is an example of the use of the English coordinating conjunction: 1. Why don’t we all go together to New Delhi? N1 ki shaddi ki shopping bhi ho jaye gi (There will be shopping of N1’s wedding) and we can have much fun. (June 20, 2005 D) As can be seen in the above example, there is switching here back and forth between English and Urdu.An Urdu clause is embedded in English and English is taken up again. I n the following example, an Urdu conjunction â€Å"leykin† (but) is inserted in the English sentence. The reason for the use of Urdu conjunction in Pakistani English is directionality of code-switching, because most of the times, switched Urdu clauses follow the English main clause. This Urdu conjunction has a pragmatic effect as a discourse marker in drawing attention to the utterance. 1. We reached there in time, lakin no body was there to receive us. (Spoken English) In Nortier’s Moroccan Arabic/Dutch code-switching data (1990), the Arabic onjunction â€Å"walikan† (but) is also most frequent and is the one that conjoins two clauses that are both in another language. Taking a discourse marker from another language has a pragmatic effect on the whole utterance. Another interesting feature of Pakistani English that has been found as a result of Urdu-English code-switching is the use of an independent Urdu clause or sentence with English in written as well as sp oken English. Here are three examples where Urdu clauses are syntactically independent; however, they share a semantic relationship with each other: 1.Very soon, I will be a big star in Bollywood, main naumeed nahin hougni. (I will not be disappointed) (July 16, 2006 D) 2. He is set to release some very interesting films, which he describes as happy-go-lucky movies, aaj kal happy fims ka zamana hai. (Now-a-days people like happy movies) (December 11, 2005 D) 3. I cannot make new friends. Main buri, mairai dausti burai. (I am bad, friendship with me is bad) That’s all (March 25, 2007 D) Subordinated clauses: Urdu subordinated clauses are also used in Pakistani English, which is a very important aspect of inter-sentential code-switching.The subordinating conjunction is not always in the language of the clause that it introduces. Both Urdu and English subordinating conjunctions are used to join main and subordinated clauses. We can classify this section to two main broad categor ies: 1. Urdu subordinate clauses with an English main clause 2. English subordinate clauses with a Urdu main clause Firstly, we will look at the occurrence of the Urdu subordinate clauses with an English main clause. Urdu subordinate clauses with an English main clause: Different Urdu subordinate clauses are embedded in the English sentences in Pakistani English.The following two kinds of Urdu subordinate clauses have been found in Pakistani English: 1. The noun clause 2. The adverb clause Noun clause: The data exemplified in this section will show that a noun clause is a subordinate clause that does the work of a noun in a complex sentence. It can be used in Pakistani English as: 1. The subject of a verb 2. The complement of a verb 3. The object of a preposition In the following example, the switched Urdu noun clause has been used as the subject of an English verb: 1. Sub kutch chalet hai is their dictum. (June 12, 2005 D) ‘All is right’ is their dictum.Most of the tim es, a switched noun clause acts as a complement of an English verb. Here are some examples: 1. To underline the point he added is main science ki koi baat nahin hai. (December 25, 2005 D) To underline the point he added there is nothing scientific in this. 2. He got all mixed up and asked acha aap begum commondo hai. (October 30, 2005 D) He got all mixed up and asked well. You are Mrs. Commando. 3. I get looks from them all and a couple said aap aagay aa jain. (October 09, 2006 D) I get looks from them all and a couple said you come in front please. 4. She couldn’t resist the bohat aachi movie hai. May 29, 2005 D) She couldn’t resist it’s the very best movie. In the examples below, the switched Urdu clause has been used as an object of an English preposition. 1. No one at the CCB was willing to say anything except that is ka order ooper se aya hai. (May 07, 2006 D) 2. No one at the CCB was willing to say anything except that we have orders from our seniors. 3. A s they turned to me, I shrugged my shoulder with a ‘Bhai dekh lo, I am not carrying you purse’ (November 2006 H) 4. As they turned to me, I shrugged my shoulder with a brother you can see; I am not carrying you purse.Sometimes, it’s very interesting to note the use of an Urdu noun clause as a complement of a verb of incomplete predication. 1. The whole thing is that key bhaiya sab se bada rupaiya. (February 12, 2006 D) The whole thing is that bother, money is all. Adverb clause: As we have seen through the above examples that the noun clause acts as a noun in complex sentences, in the same way the function of an adverb clause is that of an adverb in complex sentences. In the following example, an Urdu adverb conditional clause has been embedded in the English sentence.However, the Urdu subordinate clause precedes the English main clause. The subordinating conjunction is in Urdu, whereas the clause that follows it is in English: 1. Aap ko kissi cheez sey strings k etney hoon, to its best to run from it. (June 26, 2005 D) If you want to cut the cord off, then its best to run from it. English subordinate clauses with Urdu main clause: In some cases, English clause is subordinate to an Urdu main clause. In the following example the English noun clause is joined with the Urdu main clause through the English subordinating conjunction â€Å"that†. 1.Mujhe shikayat hai that we are not making history. (July 31, 2005 D) I have a complaint that we are not making history. In the example below, the English conditional clause is subordinate to the Urdu main clause. In this example, the English subordinate clause precedes the Urdu main clause: 1. The police asked both of us to settle things between ourselves. Because if it becomes court case, then mamla lamba ho jaiga. (February 19, 2006 D) The police asked both of us to settle things between ourselves. Because if it becomes a court case, then it will be a lengthy process. Repetitions and other swit chesSometimes, Urdu phrases or clauses are used just as the repetition of an English phrase or clause. The purpose of this type of switching is to give emphasis. However, in spoken it is used to address different audiences. 1. Take care, apna bahut khayal rakhiya ga. (December 18, 2005 D) 2. They shouted for his execution. Zen ko phansy do. (October 02, 2005 D) 3. Feroz was very drunk. Usko chad gayi thi. (May 07, 2006 D) 4. He thought that Geeta Bali was the daughter of a certain Dr. Bali,a dentist in Aligarh, who was shocked when one day, Sikandar asked him: Aap ki sahabzadi kaisi hain? (How’s your daughter? (November 2006 H) In some cases, Urdu clauses are used to quote maxim and proverb or some other person in Pakistani English. Here are some examples: 1. My unbending procrastination is one thing that repels the beauty of the world but they say ‘sabar ka phal meetha’ (patience has its reward) (January 22, 2006 D) 2. Talk about ‘lakkar hazam, pathar haza m’ (very powerful and digestive stomach), they deserve a batter deal, if only for their patience in eating such swill day after day. (October 2006 M) 3. He gave the example of the phrase â€Å"auratein bhot bolteen hain† (females are very talkative). August 07, 2005 D) 4. She was very touched and impressed, especially when the waiter uttered these words ‘baaji, mehman sey paisay nahin letay (sister, we don’t charges from guests)’. (July 17, 2005 D) 5. She opened the Q and A session by saying ‘aab court aap ki ball main hai’ (Now all depends on you). (May 29,2005 D) Conclusion The data and examples presented in this paper demonstrate that code-switching affects Pakistani English at the phrase and clause level and Pakistani English has its unique features. This paper has shown the variations in English syntax when it is used in a non-native context i. . Pakistan. This paper shows that in code-switching many traces of native language can b e observed on the foreign language. The grammatical usage of Urdu language on English is visible here in the above mentioned examples. Some linguists are of the opinion that there is no language that has not been under influence of another language. English is no exception in this regard. Several changes are taking place in the English language. Isolated languages are rarely met in the global village. Bilingualism or multilingualism is a characteristic feature of modern society.According to Wardhaugh (1998: 100) ‘Command of only a single variety of language, whether it be a dialect, style or register, would appear to be an extremely rare phenomenon, one likely to occasion comment. Most speakers command several varieties of the language they speak, and bilingualism, even multilingualism, is the norm for many people throughout the world rather than unilingualism’. Note: I would like to thank Professor Dr. Mubina Talaat for her valuable comments on my paper. ReferencesBamg bose, Ayo (2001) World Englishes and Globalisation. World Englishes, 20(3), 357-63 Baumgardner, R. J. , Kennedy, A. E. H. , and Shamim, F. (1993) The Urduization of English in Pakistan. In Baumgardner, R (Ed. ) The Englis Language in Pakistan, The Oxford Press, Karachi. Bottery, Mike (2000) Education, Policy and Ethics. London: Continuum. Brutt-Griffler, Janina (2002) World Englishes: A Study of Its Development. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters. Cheshire, Jenny (1991) English around the World: Linguistic Perspective. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Crystal, David (2003) English as a Global Language. 2nd edition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Fernado, S (2003) The Vocabulary of Sri Lankan English. Paper presented at 9th International Conference on Sri Lankan Studies. Sri Lanka Kachru, Braj B. (1978) Lexical innovations in South Asian English. In Indian writing in English. Edited by Ramesh Mohan. Delhi: Orient Longman Ltd. ,pp. 80-100 Kachru, Braj B. (1986) The Alchem y of English: the Spread, Functions, and Models Of Non-native English. Oxford: Pergamon Press. Kachru, Braj B. 1996) Series Editor’s Preface. In Robert J. Baumgardner (ed. ) 1996. South Asian English: Structure, Use and Users. Delhi: Oxford University Press. Kachru, Braj. B. (1997) Resources for Research and Teaching. In World Englishes 2000. Edited by Larry E. Smith and Michael L. Forman. Honolulu: College of Languages. Linguistics, and Literature, University of Hawaii and the East- West Centre , pp. 209-51 Mahajan, A (2001) Complex Predicates and Case in Hindi, in M. Saito et al. (eds. ) Preceedings of Nanzan GLOW, 275-296. Nagoya, Japan: Nanzan University.Mahboob, A (2003) The English Language in Pakistan: A Brief Overview of its History and Linguistics. Pakistan journal of language, vol. 4, no. 1 Nortier, J. (1990) Dutch-Moroccan Arabic code-switching among Moroccans in the Netherlands. Dordrecht: Foris. Platt, J. , Weber, H and Lain H. M. (1984). The New Englishes, Londo n: Routledge and Kegan Paul Poplack, S. (1980) ‘Sometimes I start a sentence in Spanish y termino espanol : toward a typology of code-switching in Amastea, J. and Elias- Olivares, L. 1982. Spanish in the United States Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Quirk, R and Greenbaum, S (1983) A University Grammar of English, Harlow: Longman Romaine, Susan (1995) Bilingualism (second edition). Oxford: Blackwell. Talaat, Mubina (1993) Lexical Variation in Pakistani English. In Baumgardner, R (Ed. ) The English Language in Pakistan, The Oxford Press, Karachi. Talaat, Mubina (2003) Some Aspects of Creativity in Pakistani English or Improvised Communication, Pakistan journal of language, vol. 4, no. 1 Trudgill, P (1986). Dialects in contact. Oxford: Basil Blackwell. Wardhaugh, Ronald (1998) An Introduction to Sociolinguistics (third edition). Oxford: Blackwell.